Sexistentialism

Queer Theory is Sexy

5,170 notes

Angela Davis - The Prison Industrial Complex (17 parts all MP3 files)

superheru7:

Angela Davis - The Prison Industrial Complex (17 parts all MP3 files)
01 - On Becoming An Activist.mp3 
02 - Race, Class & Incarceration.mp3 
03 - Young Black Men & Prison.mp3 
04 - Technologies Of Punishment.mp3 
05 - The Specter Of Crime.mp3 
06 - Political Persecution.mp3 
07 - Enemies Are Needed.mp3 
08 - Targeting Women.mp3 
09 - Anti-Immigrant Rhetoric.mp3 
10 - Nike.mp3 
11 - The War On Drugs.mp3 
12 - Corporations & Patterns Of Immigration.mp3 
13 - The Prison Industrial Complex.mp3 
14 - Making A Difference.mp3 
15 - Who Pays, Who Plays.mp3 
16 - What Is To Be Done.mp3 
17 - Breaking The Silence.mp3

(via rileykonor)

Filed under read reading list angela davis

56 notes

thepeoplesrecord:

Palestinian prisoners ready for mass hunger strikeApril 24, 2014
Nearly two hundred Palestinian administrative detainees, held indefinitely without charge or trial on Israeli military court orders, have announced plans to launch a mass hunger strikefor their freedom this Thursday.
The news came as demonstrations across Palestine and events worldwide commemorated the 40th annual Palestinian Prisoners’ Day
Thousands marched from an exhibition at Saraya square, the former site of Israel’s Gaza central prison, to rally outside the International Committee of the Red Cross’ Gaza office.
After the demonstrations, Ibrahim Baroud, freed from Israeli captivity a year ago, spoke with The Electronic Intifada at his home in the northern Gaza Strip’s Jabaliya refugee camp.
Among hundreds of thousands of former Palestinian prisoners in the Gaza Strip, Baroud is notable not only because of his 27-year detention, which makes him one of the longest-held Palestinians, but also because of his mother’s efforts during his absence.
In 1995, nine years after her son’s capture by Israeli forces, Ghalia — also known as Um Ibrahim — held a sit-in at the courtyard of the International Committee of the Red Cross office with Handoumeh Wishah, or Um Jaber, who had four sons in prison at the time.
Initially small, their presence persisted week after week, year after year, persevering through political transitions and military offensives, and growing into the core of prisoner support activities in Gaza. The sit-ins have now become a local focus of political unity.
Women protest
Over the years, Um Ibrahim led women from the courtyard in a series of protests, many of them confrontational, to highlight the prisoners’ issue. These ranged from disrupting Palestinian Authority Minister of Foreign Affairs Nasser Al Qidwa with a fiery speech in 2005 to pelting United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s convoy with shoes and stones as he entered the Gaza Strip in 2012.
The sit-ins continue today as relatives and supporters of prisoners, many of them mothers and wives of detainees, pack the Red Cross courtyard every Monday morning. Their numbers swell with efforts to free prisoners — whether through political negotiations, hunger strikes or prisoner exchanges — or offenses against them by the Israeli Prison Service.
Um Ibrahim remains a constant presence, sitting in the front row and often leading the crowd in chants.
“Prisoners were never mentioned in the Oslo accords,” Ibrahim Baroud said Saturday, referring to the peace agreement signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization twenty years ago. “This was a disappointment to us, and a failure of the Palestinian leadership.”
Now 51, Ibrahim, a member of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad movement, was freed on 8 April 2013 after completing an Israeli military court’s 27-year sentence for armed resistance to the occupation.
“According to the Geneva conventions, when a conflict ends, the first thing that should happen is the release of prisoners by both sides,” he said.
“In the prisons, we knew this, so we expected to be freed. How can a leader leave his soldiers in the prisons of the enemy?”
Sit-ins and strikes
The exclusion of the rights of prisoners from the Oslo accords sparked a rise in activities to support them, including the launch of the sit-ins in 1995, he said.
Additionally, Israeli forces had blocked his mother from visiting him earlier that year, Ma’an News Agency reported in 2010.
The prohibition, which cited unspecified “security concerns,” ended only after the massKarameh (“Dignity”) hunger strike in 2012.
To settle the strike, Israel agreed to allow the resumption of prison visits by families of Palestinian prisoners from the Gaza Strip, all of them banned for more than six years.
“Me and my fellow prisoners would follow the sit-ins every Monday,” Baroud said. “We would watch for our families on television.”
“The sit-in was a tool for communication between prisoners and our families, especially during the six years we were deprived of seeing them.”
Because of his mother’s long absence, he said, “I was more curious than the others to see her.”
Baroud’s father died three years before his release, during the ban on visits from the Gaza Strip.
Full article

thepeoplesrecord:

Palestinian prisoners ready for mass hunger strike
April 24, 2014

Nearly two hundred Palestinian administrative detainees, held indefinitely without charge or trial on Israeli military court orders, have announced plans to launch a mass hunger strikefor their freedom this Thursday.

The news came as demonstrations across Palestine and events worldwide commemorated the 40th annual Palestinian Prisoners’ Day

Thousands marched from an exhibition at Saraya square, the former site of Israel’s Gaza central prison, to rally outside the International Committee of the Red Cross’ Gaza office.

After the demonstrations, Ibrahim Baroud, freed from Israeli captivity a year ago, spoke with The Electronic Intifada at his home in the northern Gaza Strip’s Jabaliya refugee camp.

Among hundreds of thousands of former Palestinian prisoners in the Gaza Strip, Baroud is notable not only because of his 27-year detention, which makes him one of the longest-held Palestinians, but also because of his mother’s efforts during his absence.

In 1995, nine years after her son’s capture by Israeli forces, Ghalia — also known as Um Ibrahim — held a sit-in at the courtyard of the International Committee of the Red Cross office with Handoumeh Wishah, or Um Jaber, who had four sons in prison at the time.

Initially small, their presence persisted week after week, year after year, persevering through political transitions and military offensives, and growing into the core of prisoner support activities in Gaza. The sit-ins have now become a local focus of political unity.

Women protest

Over the years, Um Ibrahim led women from the courtyard in a series of protests, many of them confrontational, to highlight the prisoners’ issue. These ranged from disrupting Palestinian Authority Minister of Foreign Affairs Nasser Al Qidwa with a fiery speech in 2005 to pelting United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s convoy with shoes and stones as he entered the Gaza Strip in 2012.

The sit-ins continue today as relatives and supporters of prisoners, many of them mothers and wives of detainees, pack the Red Cross courtyard every Monday morning. Their numbers swell with efforts to free prisoners — whether through political negotiations, hunger strikes or prisoner exchanges — or offenses against them by the Israeli Prison Service.

Um Ibrahim remains a constant presence, sitting in the front row and often leading the crowd in chants.

“Prisoners were never mentioned in the Oslo accords,” Ibrahim Baroud said Saturday, referring to the peace agreement signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization twenty years ago. “This was a disappointment to us, and a failure of the Palestinian leadership.”

Now 51, Ibrahim, a member of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad movement, was freed on 8 April 2013 after completing an Israeli military court’s 27-year sentence for armed resistance to the occupation.

“According to the Geneva conventions, when a conflict ends, the first thing that should happen is the release of prisoners by both sides,” he said.

“In the prisons, we knew this, so we expected to be freed. How can a leader leave his soldiers in the prisons of the enemy?”

Sit-ins and strikes

The exclusion of the rights of prisoners from the Oslo accords sparked a rise in activities to support them, including the launch of the sit-ins in 1995, he said.

Additionally, Israeli forces had blocked his mother from visiting him earlier that year, Ma’an News Agency reported in 2010.

The prohibition, which cited unspecified “security concerns,” ended only after the massKarameh (“Dignity”) hunger strike in 2012.

To settle the strike, Israel agreed to allow the resumption of prison visits by families of Palestinian prisoners from the Gaza Strip, all of them banned for more than six years.

“Me and my fellow prisoners would follow the sit-ins every Monday,” Baroud said. “We would watch for our families on television.”

“The sit-in was a tool for communication between prisoners and our families, especially during the six years we were deprived of seeing them.”

Because of his mother’s long absence, he said, “I was more curious than the others to see her.”

Baroud’s father died three years before his release, during the ban on visits from the Gaza Strip.

Full article

8,689 notes

thepeoplesrecord:

The 1% wants to ban sleeping in cars - it hurts their ‘quality of life’April 16, 2014
Across the United States, many local governments are responding to skyrocketing levels of inequality and the now decades-long crisis of homelessness among the very poor … by passing laws making it a crime to sleep in a parked car.
This happened most recently in Palo Alto, in California’s Silicon Valley, where new billionaires are seemingly minted every month – and where 92% of homeless people lack shelter of any kind. Dozens of cities have passed similar anti-homeless laws. The largest of them is Los Angeles, the longtime unofficial “homeless capital of America”, where lawyers are currently defending a similar vehicle-sleeping law before a skeptical federal appellate court. Laws against sleeping on sidewalks or in cars are called “quality of life” laws. But they certainly don’t protect the quality of life of the poor.
To be sure, people living in cars cannot be the best neighbors. Some people are able to acquire old and ugly – but still functioning – recreational vehicles with bathrooms; others do the best they can. These same cities have resisted efforts to provide more public toilet facilities, often on the grounds that this will make their city a “magnet” for homeless people from other cities. As a result, anti-homeless ordinances often spread to adjacent cities, leaving entire regions without public facilities of any kind.
Their hope, of course, is that homeless people will go elsewhere, despite the fact that the great majority of homeless people are trying to survive in the same communities in which they were last housed – and where they still maintain connections. Americans sleeping in their own cars literally have nowhere to go.
Indeed, nearly all homelessness in the US begins with a loss of income and an eviction for nonpayment of rent – a rent set entirely by market forces. The waiting lists are years long for the tiny fraction of housing with government subsidies. And rents have risen dramatically in the past two years, in part because long-time tenants must now compete with the millions of former homeowners who lost their homes in the Great Recession.
The paths from eviction to homelessness follow familiar patterns. For the completely destitute without family or friends able to help, that path leads more or less directly to the streets. For those slightly better off, unemployment and the exhaustion of meager savings – along with the good graces of family and friends – eventually leaves people with only two alternatives: a shelter cot or their old automobile.
However, in places like Los Angeles, the shelters are pretty much always full. Between 2011 and 2013, the number of unsheltered homeless people increased by 67%. In Palo Alto last year, there were 12 shelter beds for 157 homeless individuals. Homeless people in these cities do have choices: they can choose to sleep in a doorway, on a sidewalk, in a park, under a bridge or overpass, or – if they are relatively lucky – in a car. But these cities have ordinances that make all of those choices a criminal offense. The car is the best of bad options, now common enough that local bureaucrats have devised a new, if oxymoronic, term – the “vehicularly housed”.
People sleeping in cars try to find legal, nighttime parking places, where they will be less apparent and arouse the least hostility. But cities like Palo Alto and Los Angeles often forbid parking between 2am and 5am in commercial areas, where police write expensive tickets and arrest and impound the vehicles of repeat offenders. That leaves residential areas, where overnight street parking cannot, as a practical matter, be prohibited.
One finds the “vehicularly housed” in virtually every neighborhood, including my own. But the animus that drives anti-homeless laws seems to be greatest in the wealthiest cities, like Palo Alto, which has probably spawned more per-capita fortunes than any city on Earth, and in the more recently gentrified areas like Los Angeles’ Venice. These places are ruled by majorities of “liberals” who decry, with increasing fervor, the rapid rise in economic inequality. Nationally, 90% of Democrats (and 45% of Republicans) believe the government should act to reduce the rich-poor gap.
It is easy to be opposed to inequality in the abstract. So why are Los Angeles and Palo Alto spending virtually none of their budgets on efforts to provide housing for the very poor and homeless? When the most obvious evidence of inequality parks on their street, it appears, even liberals would rather just call the police. The word from the car: if you’re not going to do anything to help, please don’t make things worse.
Source

thepeoplesrecord:

The 1% wants to ban sleeping in cars - it hurts their ‘quality of life’
April 16, 2014

Across the United States, many local governments are responding to skyrocketing levels of inequality and the now decades-long crisis of homelessness among the very poor … by passing laws making it a crime to sleep in a parked car.

This happened most recently in Palo Alto, in California’s Silicon Valley, where new billionaires are seemingly minted every month – and where 92% of homeless people lack shelter of any kind. Dozens of cities have passed similar anti-homeless laws. The largest of them is Los Angeles, the longtime unofficial “homeless capital of America”, where lawyers are currently defending a similar vehicle-sleeping law before a skeptical federal appellate court. Laws against sleeping on sidewalks or in cars are called “quality of life” laws. But they certainly don’t protect the quality of life of the poor.

To be sure, people living in cars cannot be the best neighbors. Some people are able to acquire old and ugly – but still functioning – recreational vehicles with bathrooms; others do the best they can. These same cities have resisted efforts to provide more public toilet facilities, often on the grounds that this will make their city a “magnet” for homeless people from other cities. As a result, anti-homeless ordinances often spread to adjacent cities, leaving entire regions without public facilities of any kind.

Their hope, of course, is that homeless people will go elsewhere, despite the fact that the great majority of homeless people are trying to survive in the same communities in which they were last housed – and where they still maintain connections. Americans sleeping in their own cars literally have nowhere to go.

Indeed, nearly all homelessness in the US begins with a loss of income and an eviction for nonpayment of rent – a rent set entirely by market forces. The waiting lists are years long for the tiny fraction of housing with government subsidies. And rents have risen dramatically in the past two years, in part because long-time tenants must now compete with the millions of former homeowners who lost their homes in the Great Recession.

The paths from eviction to homelessness follow familiar patterns. For the completely destitute without family or friends able to help, that path leads more or less directly to the streets. For those slightly better off, unemployment and the exhaustion of meager savings – along with the good graces of family and friends – eventually leaves people with only two alternatives: a shelter cot or their old automobile.

However, in places like Los Angeles, the shelters are pretty much always full. Between 2011 and 2013, the number of unsheltered homeless people increased by 67%. In Palo Alto last year, there were 12 shelter beds for 157 homeless individuals. Homeless people in these cities do have choices: they can choose to sleep in a doorway, on a sidewalk, in a park, under a bridge or overpass, or – if they are relatively lucky – in a car. But these cities have ordinances that make all of those choices a criminal offense. The car is the best of bad options, now common enough that local bureaucrats have devised a new, if oxymoronic, term – the “vehicularly housed”.

People sleeping in cars try to find legal, nighttime parking places, where they will be less apparent and arouse the least hostility. But cities like Palo Alto and Los Angeles often forbid parking between 2am and 5am in commercial areas, where police write expensive tickets and arrest and impound the vehicles of repeat offenders. That leaves residential areas, where overnight street parking cannot, as a practical matter, be prohibited.

One finds the “vehicularly housed” in virtually every neighborhood, including my own. But the animus that drives anti-homeless laws seems to be greatest in the wealthiest cities, like Palo Alto, which has probably spawned more per-capita fortunes than any city on Earth, and in the more recently gentrified areas like Los Angeles’ Venice. These places are ruled by majorities of “liberals” who decry, with increasing fervor, the rapid rise in economic inequality. Nationally, 90% of Democrats (and 45% of Republicans) believe the government should act to reduce the rich-poor gap.

It is easy to be opposed to inequality in the abstract. So why are Los Angeles and Palo Alto spending virtually none of their budgets on efforts to provide housing for the very poor and homeless? When the most obvious evidence of inequality parks on their street, it appears, even liberals would rather just call the police. The word from the car: if you’re not going to do anything to help, please don’t make things worse.

Source

(via codenamecan)

18 notes

Sexual Prejudice and Gender: Do Heterosexuals’ Attitudes Toward Lesbians and Gay Men Differ?

free-academia:

Gregory M. Herek (2000). “Sexual Prejudice and Gender: Do Heterosexuals’ Attitudes Toward Lesbians and Gay Men Differ?.” Journal of Social Issues, 56(2), pp. 251-266.

Check out this abstract:

This paper explores the question of whether and how heterosexuals’ attitudes toward lesbians differ from their attitudes toward gay men. Data from a 1997 national survey are presented to show that heterosexual women generally hold similar attitudes toward gay men and lesbians, whereas heterosexual men are more likely to make distinctions according to gender. Moreover, men’s attitudes toward lesbians are susceptible to situational manipulations. Nevertheless, the underlying unity of attitudes toward lesbians and gay men is demonstrated by the fact that they are highly correlated for both heterosexual men and women. It is suggested that heterosexuals’ attitudes toward gay people are organized both in terms of minority group politics and personal sexual and gender identity, and that attitudes toward lesbians are most likely to be differentiated from attitudes toward gay men in the latter realm.
Awesome and important research.

(via freelgbtqpia)

Filed under reading list research

11,344 notes

It’s funny, the stereotypes we given. Lazy, as if we ain’t build an entire country on our backs. Thieves, as if we wasn’t stolen from our home. Hateful, as if we was the ones that murder for dark skin. Selfish, as if we took over another people’s country and claimed they land as our own. Funny, how them stereotypes so perfectly describe the ones who done doomed us all.
My grandmother, talking to my brother who was recently called, “nothing but a black thug” for daring to wear a hoodie in the rain. (via asiaraymonet)

(via blackfeminism)

11 notes

tiraspark asked: Just read your announcement thing and read about you not wanting to "feminize" your voice because you're a bass. And Idk kinda just got feels because I have the reverse issue with my voice being super high (1st soprano my whole life lol), so as soon as I open my mouth folks know I'm AFAB and it's so frustrating having an automatic misgendering thing but I love my voice way too much to loose it soooo yes. Feels.

tiraspark:

queertheoryissexy:

Yeah it’s really hard! I mean on the one hand it’s absurd that there ought to be a certain vocal range associated with gender when biologically it makes no sense, given most people’s vocal ranges cover a far greater distance than the statistical difference between male/female vocal ranges. And it’s equally absurd that trans people should be obligated to change their voices if they’re at home with their voice as it is. Like all power to trans folks who change their voice and want to do so, but it’s equally legitimate to keep your voice exactly the way it is.

But then again it becomes a huge problem with how people gender you, and it’s incredibly frustrating.

-Z

Yes to all of that. Especially since cis folks can have all kinds of voices and not have their gender questioned (even if they may have jokes made about it or whatever, they’re still considered men/women because they’re cis, and therefore “really” their gender), but heaven forbid a trans person has a variation of any kind in their gender expression and it’s an automatic way to misgender them.

^^^^
Absolutely.

711 notes

How then can one expect the state to solve the problem of violence against women, when it constantly recapitulates its own history of colonialism, racism, and war? How can we ask the state to intervene when, in fact, its armed forces have always practiced rape and battery against “enemy” women? In fact, sexual and intimate violence against women has been a central military tactic of war and domination.

Yet the approach of the neoliberal state is to incorporate women into these agencies of violence—to integrate the armed forces and the police.

Angela Davis, "The Color of Violence Against Women" (via a-song-for-lyanna)

(Source: so-treu, via praxisandcapital)

Filed under angela davis

33 notes

A few things about the future of this blog

I have been lax lately in producing original work mostly due to the stress of finishing up my undergraduate work and some personal issues I’m going through. This also explains why a lot of my text posts have been more personal and informal in tone and a lot less critical/academic, not that I want to reify that distinction, but just that’s what’s going on with me.

However, I have concluded that I want to commit to this project in the future and make it more than just a college project. That’s going to mean a few things for the future.

1. I will be changing by tumblr handle “queertheoryissexy” to something else in the near future. There are several reasons for this.

  • In the first place, people tend to mistake the handle for the title of my blog. My blog’s title is Sexistentialism; the “queer theory is sexy” bit was meant to be an ironic byline, a bit of a personal joke. Due to my newness to tumblr when I created this blog, I didn’t realize that people would pretty much only interact with my URL and not with my blog title directly.
  • People tend to, understandingly given the medium, misunderstand the ironic intent of this tag. I have been accused by asexuals of promoting the idea that something needs to be “sexy” to be valued, which I think is a fair critique. More recently I’ve also come attack by TWEFs who say that it’s evidence of my misogyny, which I clearly think is bullshit. But anyway, I don’t want to contribute to either confusion or to flame wars.
  • It’s clear that this blog has evolved beyond being merely a queer theory blog. I engage with trans feminism, radical feminism, Marxist and anticapitalist thought, poststructuralism, postcolonialism, continental philosophy, literary theory, Third World feminism and theory, critical race theory, psychoanalysis, anarchism, and a variety of other anit-oppression oriented disciplines. Given my tumblr handle’s visibility it’s simply a misnomer at this point.

I would be happy to take suggestions for alternative from my followers!

2. I want to expand this project over the summer into other mediums. This may include creating a Sexistentialism twitter, WordPress, and maybe even a Youtube channel. I have toyed around with the idea of creating a vlog mostly about philosophy and antioppression theory, because I believe that dissemination of ideas that are usually walled up in the gatekeeping enclaves of the Academy is an important part of revolutionary praxis. I also want to engage with ideas and with my followers in a more intimate way. I am concerned and a bit anxious about the visibility for me that this will mean. At a very mundane level I am still “mid-transition” (whatever that means) and I also have no intention of “feminizing” my voice (I’m a bass and have sung bass all my life, dammit), and I am worried about people using this to misgender me or undermine my ability to speak as a trans woman. Anyway, these are personal concerns but I really would be interested in engaging with ideas in a more intimate way through video. Suggestions and advice are much appreciated in this vein! 

3. I am also interested in doing more collaborative work, perhaps even opening up this blog to other contributors or moderators. This is still in the brainstorming phase, but if you’re interested in doing collaborative work with me, please feel free to message me and we can start a conversation. 

4. I am going to be working this summer and over the next year for cash, and this will mean several things, positive and negative, for my academic pursuits. In the first place it means I’ll have less time. However, having a 9-5 may actually encourage more productivity in the off-hours. Or I may be too exhausted. We’ll see. But I am continuing my academic pursuits this summer, working with my adviser on getting (parts) of my thesis published, and engaging more directly with Deleuze, psychoanalysis, Marxism, and postcolonialism. At least these are my goals. I am hoping to audit classes in the fall at American University and to take classes on Merlea-Ponty and possibly another language in preparation for graduate school. At this point I’m still planning on a career in academia, but it’s going to take a bit more time to formulate my resources and prepare than expected. And who knows, I may end up starting an egalitarian trans feminist synagogue with my queerplatonic partner 15 years down the line. It’s all kind of up in the air. But I want to stay committed to this project in the meantime.

Anyway, that’s where I’m at. Comments and feedback greatly appreciated. I can’t express my gratitude towards all of you who have been along for the ride this far. Your support and encouragement are foundational to this blog’s ability to function and to do the work that it does.

Love, strength, and solidarity.

-Z

(Source: queertheoryissexy)